
[Uhmm…Smellin’ good, friend!]
Come January 20, 2025, Donald J Trump will be re-installed as US President after the Joe Biden interregnum. And leaders all over are wondering what their rank-order will be in his court. The first invitation sent out to a foreign leader to attend Trump’s inauguration, not surprisingly, was to the Prime Minister of Hungary, Viktor Orban, who visited him in his MaraLago home. Orban is a leader Trump has lauded for his autocratic ways, and whom he would readily emulate if allowed to do so by a US Congress his Republican Party controls. Except, the two Houses of the American legislature, especially the US Senate (upper house), are more respectful of their own separate and distinct identities, roles, and prerogatives. They more often stymie their own party’s president than, say, the Hungarian Országház (House of the Nation) has done Orban since he assumed office, or indeed the National Democratic Alliance, with a majority in Parliament, has done its Prime Minister in India, Narendra Modi.
President Xi Jinping of China received such an invitation yesterday. Should Xi betake himself to Washington, he could soon be busy cutting mutually beneficial deals with Trump. And this is the US the Modi regime expects to rely on for assistance against China?
By the way, Modi has yet to receive his invitation.
But the Indian government has been outfront currying favour, extolling Trump’s return to power in Washington, with the External Affairs Minister, S Jaishankar, claiming “a personal relationship” between Modi and the US leader, and revealing — in a self-satisfied way — that Modi’s call of congratulations after the elections was among the first three from foreign leaders that Trump answered. India, he implied, hoped to ride the American bandwagon on two counts. According to Jaishankar, India “missed the manufacturing bus in the 1990s, early 2000s” and hopes to make up for it by benefiting from the global supply chains moving away from China. Except, because of the by now trademark tardiness of the Modi government in reforming the regressive land acquisition and labour laws, most of these supply chains have already set up shop in Vietnam and Malaysia, transnational companies being impressed less by the rhetoric of “reform, perform, transform” than by the actual “ease of doing business” on the ground, where the needle has moved very little. India may thus miss the manufacturing bus once again, exacerbating the already impossible unemployment situation in the country, and keeping the country rooted in the ranks of Third World states.
And Jaishankar praised Trump for putting the Quad on the rails during his first term, and pooh-poohed Trump’s threat to punish countries for de-dollarising international trade by imposing 100% tariffs on BRICS countries, saying because the US was India’s largest trade partner New Delhi had no interest in hurting the dollar. The problem is will the incoming Trump Administration see trade in local currencies that this group is certainly pushing, to wit, the new rupee-rouble trade agreement, as undermining the primacy of the American currency? If it does, then India will get it in the neck because, unlike Russia with energy and minerals to sell, and China with every consumer item produced under the sun and, by cornering vast mineral resources all over the world, as the prime source of rare earths and minerals to sell, India has nothing to offer except its manpower. This Modi and Jaishankar have not been shy of highlighting.
But, as mentioned in the previous post, transacting in scientific, engineering and managerial talent in a buyer’s market is an iffy proposition. Any number of East and Central European states — the preferred sources of white manpower, would happily export trained engineers and scientists, were it not that Indian technical talent comes cheaper. Despite this selling point, the buyer can still set his terms. It means the US holds the whiphand, and there’s nothing India can do about it.
This is unlike China, which had the strategic foresight to emphasize from Maozedong’s time, high quality education particularly in mathematics and the sciences at the lower and high school levels until now when it has developed a solid STEM base and has emerged as peer rival to America, and India is nowhere in the picture. Because Nehru’s India, instead invested in building renowned institutions of engineering and management — IITs and IIMs, paving the way for millions of Indians graduating from these institutions over the years to settle down in the US and Europe. Meaning, these science, engineering and management graduates, their education entirely subsidized by the Indian taxpayer, were merely polished up by American universities for high-tech jobs in the post-industrial economies in the US and western Europe. A more one-sided bountiful arrangement to transfer intellectual and, potentially, material wealth from a poor India to the rich West cannot be conceived, short of the brigandage of the kind indulged in by the East India Company. Recall that the estimated wealth transferred from India to Britain in the latter’s imperial hey-day was in excess of $45 TRILLION (at current exchange rate)!!! An analyst some 50 years ago calculated that the shift of Indian technical talent to America was worth many times more than all the development and food aid amounting to $10 billion the US had given India in 1960s and 1970s.
But America’s “Dil maange more“! Mukesh Aghi, President of the non-government US-India Strategic Partnership Forum was pretty plain in his messaging about life for the rest of the world in Trump’s second presidency. He urged India to “play a pivotal role in rebuilding America” and to “Align yourself with what Trump is trying to achieve, which is America First”!!! And, here we have the poor souls, Modi and Jaishankar and the rest of the Indian bureaucratic caboodle and the Indian military, fondly believing the US, other than compelling India to buy American weaponry, will help them build a modern and economically prosperous India!
So, may be, the people in the Indian government need to alter their sights somewhat. For no small reason because Trump has indicated where he is headed. He nominated an out and out Khalistani sympathizer, Harmeet Dhillon, to the powerful post of Assistant Attorney General for civil rights in the US Justice Department. The Chandigarh-born, newly minted Californian, Dhillon has been pretty ranty on X (Twitter) about “India’s death squads targeting diaspora Sikhs”, etc. and is something of a Republican Party activist and celebrity in the American Sikh community. If Biden’s Democratic Party officials gleefully wagged an admonitory finger at India’s record on minority rights, wait till Harmeet assumes office and sinks her teeth into American Sikh grievances against the Indian state. Who knows, she might actually charge Home Minister Amit Shah and/or NSA Ajit Doval with masterminding the alleged assasination attempt against Gurpatwant Singh Pannun, a Khalistani terrorist and chief mischief-maker, terminating in a trice the possibility of either Shah or Doval visiting the US anytime soon lest they get arrested on American soil.
Luckily for Modi Kash Patel, a fellow Gujrati, may help out and then again, perhaps, not. Kash’s adoring father commenting, without a hint of irony, on his son’s nomination as head of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, wrote: that until recently Kash was managing his motel or potel — as roadside inns/hotels owned by the enterprising Patels from East Africa are known, now he will be managing the FBI! Assuming he is confirmed by the US Senate, Kash as head of this agency could go one of two ways on the Khalistan issue. Other than his promise to disembowel the FBI by ridding the agency of its intelligence collecting functions, which he deems is redolent of the “deep state” in the US that Trump and his acolytes are determined to bring down, he could ‘deep six’ the case against the alleged Indian government-hired assasins — Nikhil Gupta and Vikas Yadav, and otherwise ditch Harmeet Dhillon’s efforts to embarass the Indian government. Or, he can fan the embers of Dhillon’s campaign and pretty much end Modi-Jaishankar’s official lovefest with America. Unless Trump steps in to stop the slide in bilateral relations.
But then, he my have bigger fish to fry.












