Encouraging a Gripen push, feeling out Russia on Su-35s

The Indian Ministry of Defence (MOD) is nothing if not completely confused about just how to handle the aftermath of the instantaneous decision by PM Modi in Paris to buy 36 Rafales for the spurious MMRCA slot. Assuming the PM’s word is taken as a firm commitment, then the country will be paying a whole lot of monies for very few aircraft, especially if as Parrikar has said, perhaps reflecting the roiled thinking in MOD and PMO — that there simply are not enough funds to buy more Rafales off the shelf nor to even go in for ToT. In this situation, it’d be reasonable to assume that Modi will have to back down, and tell Paris, er, sorry, but I misspoke! And for GOI to begin thinking entirely anew on the topic of augmenting fighter squadron strength fast.

This conclusion is derived from a couple of developments. (1) The Swedish defence minister Peter Hultqvist is in town, with a virtually single point agenda that Stockholm has been encouraged to if not push than at least air in Delhi. Sweden wants India to offtake the Gripen NG (new generation), flight control laws, source codes, advanced production technology and all, and the rpoduction house of Modi’s choice — HAL, pvt, the whole shabang package for nearly as much money as Delhi is willing to pay for the 36 Rafales, about $8 billion! And (2) in parallel, an IAF-MOD team is revealed by Russia & India Report, a Russian news outlet and hence credible about happenings at the Moscow end, in its story datelined June 2, as negotiating for joint production of the Su-35 (http://in.rbth.com/economics/2015/06/02/india-russia_move_towards_co-production_of_defence_equipment_43451.html ). [Amending: I mentioned wrongly that the Su-35 combat aircraft is what the Strategic Forces Command had asked for as the manned bomber leg of the nuclear triad, a request turned down by the Manmohan Singh regime. It was, of course, the Su-34. Too many ac numerals floating around in my head!]

The Eurofighter option has not gained traction despite very determined canvassing efforts by Berlin and London, because it is just as expensive as the Rafale, but with many more operational kinks to resolve.

Could these developments suggest that Parrikar and Modi are using the Rafale buy as leverage to soften up Sweden and Russia for better terms on the Gripen NG tech for incorporating into Tejas Mk-II and fast-tracking its production with Swedish help from Saab, the Gripen maker, and Moscow re: the Su-35 as the IAF’s main combat platform, especially if this is conjoined to Moscow’s promise to upgrade all Su-30 MKI engines to Sukhoi-PAK/FA engine standard? But all this is affordable only if Delhi finally and irrevocably trashes the Rafale.

Posted in arms exports, Asian geopolitics, civil-military relations, Defence Industry, DRDO, Europe, Geopolitics, Great Power imperatives, India's strategic thinking and policy, Indian Air Force, Military Acquisitions, Nuclear Policy & Strategy, Nuclear Weapons, Relations with Russia, Russia, russian assistance, South Asia, Strategic Forces Command, Strategic Relations with the US & West, Technology transfer, Weapons, Western militaries | 24 Comments

Selling the rope that will hang you — US’ China policy

Specialist sites yesterday reported that the PLA General Fan Changlong will be hosted by the US military, taken around sensitive military installations and weapons platforms for a week, including the CVN USS Ronald Reagan, Naval Station North Island, the recruiting centre of the US Marine Corps, Fort Hood, notionally HQrs of the US 1st Cavalry Div and 1st and 2nd Armrd Divs, but better known as the testing ground for all of US army’s latest weaponry, and the Boeing factory in Seattle, possibly the P-8 and F-15 production lines.

Where China is concerned, there’s no such thing as innocuous visits. Expert in picking up pointers on how to do their own things better, Gen Fan and his team will be absorbing what they see and are told.

If the idea is to win trust, such visits won’t do it. In fact, nothing will, because ultimately every little thing that’s learned will be turned against what the Chinese plainly regard as a manipulable and gullible adversary. But this sort of open-ness is a specifically American characteristic. Recall what Lenin said in 1920-21 about the industrialist Armand Hammer seeking to sell all kinds of things, from lead pencils to high technologies to the then young revolutionary Soviet Union in the process of implementing its NEP (New Economic Policy)? The capitalists will sell you the rope to hang them, Lenin had then observed, even as he bought all that Hammer had to offer!

In the present situation, the US is trying desperately to court China in the hope it will get on the duopoly track implicit in Xi Jinping’s new paradigm for “big power relations”. Except the age when a single or a two power-tandem could run the world is long gone. Beijing seems no more to understand this than Washington.

Posted in Asian geopolitics, China, China military, Defence Industry, Geopolitics, Great Power imperatives, Russia, United States, US. | Leave a comment

Taking out NSCN killers in Myanmar

From the sketchy info available that the media has put out, what is known about the Northeast insurgent movements, and about the safe havens in northern Mayanmar the NSCN factions use with impunity, secure in the belief they’d not be hunted down to these remote sites — several things can be deduced about the Special Forces (SF) operation to wipe out members of the Khaplang group who killed 18 personnel of the 6 Dogra Regiment in an ambush.
1) It was not one of the small tactical actions involving small SF teams that are mounted from time to time by army theatre commands across live borders to take out a culvert here, blow up an amo depot there.
2) It was a bigger unit operation that was meant to signal to internal and external adversaries that a resolute India is determined to prosecute telling retaliatory kill missions, whenever merited.
3) If it was a deep penetration mission, it would perforce be a joint operation with IAF helos providing quick means of infiltration to targeted locations well inside Myanmar and for exfiltration.
4) Indian military has long had the target coordinates for use in such strike ops.
5) The Khaplangi killers, supported by PLA, would have been prompted by their Chinese intelligence minders to cross the border and hit the patrolling 6 Dogra detachment.
6) It is unlikely Yangbon was given prior notice of this action, but may have been told of it immediately after the successful completion of the mission. This because Delhi is aware that certain members of the Myanmarese ruling junta are partial to China, and the Chinese would have been alerted who, in turn, would have warned the targeted Nagas about the impending Indian action.
————–
So much for the operation itself. The surprising thing is the reaction of an ex-COAS — did I hear Shankar Roy-Choudhary right? — who wagged an admonishing finger, labeling such actions “adventurist” and “dangerous”. Adventurist?? Hitting back hard, is adventurist? That such thinking prevails at all within the military shows just how inactive-passive the military leadership has, in fact, become. And just why any proactive or harsh retaliation by SF is so little used by India as a policy instrument. One of the pet themes I have flogged for over 30 years now is that neither the Indian govt nor the Indian armed forces really perceive SF as tools of strategic purpose and impact.

Incidentally, the Myanmar SF op, falls not in the realm of the strategic, but in the category of the extended tactical and is of the same ilk as the one launched in Bhutan some years ago against Assamese rebels, except that was conducted with the full knowledge and assistance of Thimpu).

Posted in Asian geopolitics, Bhutan, China military, civil-military relations, domestic politics, Geopolitics, Great Power imperatives, guerilla warfare, India's China Policy, India's strategic thinking and policy, Indian Air Force, Indian Army, Indian Politics, Internal Security, Myanmar, society, South Asia, South East Asia, Special Forces, Terrorism | Tagged | 2 Comments

Contested Waters: China and India Adrift on a Sea of Animus

The World Oceans Day celebrates the seas as a boon for mankind. It may soon turn out to be a bane for Sino-Indian relations. The problems are many and centre around the Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) defined by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Seas (UNCLOS) as the sea area and seabed stretching 200nm from the coast and island territories, including the 12 nautical mile (nm) strip of water hugging the coasts of countries deemed sovereign territory, exclusively for the coastal country to mine and drill for offshore oil and gas.

South China Sea Contest

In a world where traditional energy and minerals sources are depleting fast, such resources are highly prized and as between states with extended coastlines and contested island territories, ever-elongated EEZs are reduced to a confusing welter of overlapping claims that are difficult to resolve because they are almost impossible to disentangle. EEZs do not, however, prohibit or limit in any way the right of free passage through these waters for merchant marine and even warships of all countries in peace time. But peace depends on how emphatically a country seeks to enforce its claims.

At the recent Shangrila Conference in Singapore, the head of the Chinese Navy Admiral Sun Jianguo talked plainly about the possibility of adding to the 2,000-odd acres of new “islands” brazenly created in mid-South China Sea by Beijing in violation of international laws and legal understandings. China dumped massive amounts of earth, sand, and silt, cemented these huge manmade outcroppings, and used them as air fields and impromptu naval bases, and has threatened to impose an air defence identification zone (ADIZ) in the area. Both the “islands” and the ADIZ are, however, capable of triggering war.

With the enhanced EEZ measured off these ersatz islands, China’s claims to all of South China Sea, Beijing believes, are incontestable. The extraordinary and entirely illegal cartographic actions notwithstanding, Admiral Sun averred that China had actually “exercised enormous restraint”! If this is restraint, many wonder what Chinese loss of self-control would entail. Such territorially expansionist policy involving the “near waters” is justified on the basis of millennial claims of this maritime region once being a Chinese “lake”.

The India Tangle

How is India affected by such shenanigans? For one thing, India has concessions and invested in oil fields in the very waters off Vietnam which China thinks it owns. Direct confrontation with China is likely also because Vietnam is being built up militarily by India in the manner Pakistan has been by China – to be a deep thorn in the side of the other. India needs only to transfer nuclear-tipped missiles to Hanoi to equilibrate the situation.

Besides, per geostrategic logic the more China is kept busy minding its marine backyard the less it may be inclined to open a front in the Himalayas and, even less, in the Indian Ocean. India and China as the rising powers in Asia, and the narrow straits – Malacca, Lombok, and Sunda – oceanically separating them, make for a picture of a giant dumb-bell with the two countries weighing down the two ends, with India at least for the foreseeable future having the naval edge west of Malacca, and China east of it.

Strategic Interests

As in most strategic matters, India woke up late to the military and economic significance of dominating the surrounding ocean, having been lulled by the view that the Indian peninsula jutting out into the sea like the prow of an aircraft carrier could easily muster overwhelming force by sea and air in the Sunda-to-Simonstown arc, which Chinese naval presence in the Indian Ocean cannot thwart.

India’s military advantage has been gradually eroded though by Beijing successfully cultivating littoral states and island nations with economic and military aid and infrastructure assistance (in pursuance of its “maritime silk route” strategy), until now when with Chinese-run Gwadar heaving into sight, China is positioned to give a good account of itself.

To augment its seaward economic heft India, on the basis of sedimentary and other scientific evidence and the extended continental shelf-principle, sought approval in 2010 from UNCLOS for nearly doubling its EEZ, stretching to 340nm into the sea from the mainland and its island territories (Lakshdweep, Minicoy, Andaman & Nicobar), thereby reserving substantial portions of the seabed for exploitation beyond the 2,708,139 sq kms already in its fold (versus 3,119,309 sq kms for China).

In the event, China’s deep sea mining ventures and aggressive naval patrolling in the Indian Ocean are to India what Indian naval flotilla sailings and oil exploration efforts off Vietnam’s shore are to China – ready provocation and cause for conflict.
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Published in the Quint, June 8, 2015, at http://www.thequint.com/2015/jun/08/contested-waters-china-and-india-adrift-on-a-sea-of-animus

Posted in arms exports, Asian geopolitics, China, China military, Geopolitics, Great Power imperatives, India's China Policy, India's strategic thinking and policy, Indian Air Force, Indian ecobomic situation, Indian Navy, Indian Ocean, Missiles, Nuclear Policy & Strategy, Nuclear Weapons, Pakistan, Pakistan military, Pakistan nuclear forces, society, South Asia, South East Asia, Strategic Relations with South East Asia & Far East, Technology transfer, Vietnam | Tagged | 4 Comments

Reliance traipsing around Moscow

The story about a team from Reliance hotfooting it to Moscow seeking transfer of technology for nuclear-powered submarines was startling both in its direct “go get” attitude and its naivete. The Soviet Union has been dead awhile, but the closed system characteristics continue, and it is not easy to breach the Kremlin wall, leave alone generate instant trust on the back of promises of vast commercial profit. The Reliance team headed by a former Wing Commander, IAF, Rajesh (not Rajiv) Dhingra, formerly chief of the Exhibitions Wing of Ministry of Defence (not DRDO as originally stated by me) and later MD, Lockheed India, predictably, didn’t get very far beyond the intrigued middle rungs of the Vladimir Putin government. According to persons in the know, Reliance’s desire to meet with with the representatives of the St Petersburg (Leningrad)-based Rubin warship design bureau and the Malachite submarine design bureau, was deflected with small talk and exploration by Russian officials plumbing the Dhingra cohorts’intent. To the Russians Reliance’s initiative reeked of grand ambition, even greater chutzpah alright, but absolutely amateurish follow-through, considering the absence of even one technically proficient, Russian speaking, person in its team. So the Indian pvt sector chaps cooled their heels in Moscow, enjoyed the sights, and till last reports, were denied even a photo-op with the Russian defence minister Sergey Shoygu. Reliance should have known that India’s dealings on N-subs with Russia have always been at the G2G levels where secrecy, etc.were backed by sovereign guarantees. Not sure how Reliance hoped to climb that hill (assuming they were even aware of it).

Russians essentially assessed the Reliance inquiry as non-serious because the Ambani company has not built up any R&D facilities to absorb complex technologies and showed impatience which undermines the possibility of seeding trust — the most important ingredient Russians value in high-tech collaborations. The prototype relationship Moscow values is the one consolidated over the years with Larsen & Toubro, which has constructed many installations, including an up-todate virtual submarine design facility in Mumbai, and has nursed a Russian-speaking cadre of engineers.

But unwilling to jettison all commercial possibilities at a time when the Modi govt is increasingly turning to the pvt sector for defence manufacturing, the Putin government fobbed off Dhingra and the rest of the Reliance Gang with talk of possible collaboration in building frigates at the Pipavav shipyard Reliance has bought into (with an 18% share). It would be interesting to see where this goes, how far Russians want to go with this, and where Reliance takes it.

Posted in arms exports, Asian geopolitics, Defence Industry, domestic politics, Geopolitics, India's strategic thinking and policy, Indian ecobomic situation, Indian Navy, Indian Ocean, Indian Politics, Russia, russian assistance, russian military, society, South Asia, Technology transfer, Weapons | 2 Comments

G’Bye New Indian Express

Received a “Dear John” letter from the New Indian Express to day afternoon! My last column was published this morning in this paper and uploaded to this blog. The e-letter from the person running the op-ed page ran thus:

Dear Bharat,
We have decided to reformat our edit page and bring new columnists. I therefore regret to inform you that we will not be using your fortnightly column from now onwards. However, we will inform you if and when require an article from you.
Best regards,

I’ll take a break from column-writing for a little while, and see what comes up. But I’ll continue writing my blog when I’m moved, or provoked, to do so. What will also keep me busy is proof-reading. etc. of my new book — ‘Why India is Not a Great Power (Yet)’ that Oxford University Press is publishing late August — around three months from today.

Posted in Indian Army | 6 Comments

US Defence Bait is Potent But Impractical Symbolism

The American defence secretary Ashton Carter drops into Delhi next week bearing ideas for joint military projects and things to sell in government-to-government (G2G) deals—Foreign Military Sales (FMS) in Pentagonese. The apparent absence of middlemen and corruption makes G2G/FMS the politically safe method of purchasing arms.

Seeking to enlarge its scope as defence supplier, the US has apparently settled on a two-pronged strategy. On the one hand, it is offering the manifestly cutting-edge electromagnetic aircraft launch system (EMALS) to equip the new generation indigenous aircraft carriers. This offer is impractical but symbolically potent, meant to still Indian criticism about the US not parting with advanced technologies. FMS of traditional hardware constitute the other prong, and the M-777 ultra-light howitzer (ULH) tops the list. Let’s briefly examine these two offers.

At one level EMALS is irresistible. A sort of electromagnetic rail gun to launch aircraft, EMALS is a clean, high initial cost-low maintenance system that takes up less space than steam catapults, can be recharged quickly, and is easy on aircraft frames because the tow-force can be instantly adjusted to the weight of the plane being launched. In the three seconds it takes to get an aircraft airborne, EMALS generates as much as 60MW of power—enough, as it is noted, to light up 12,000 homes. And that’s the problem.

On US nuclear-powered super carriers it is not an issue. With EMALS in the picture, the Indian Navy, however, faces a dilemma about the energy pack. Washington hopes the 65,000-tonne Vishal-class carrier, now at the conception stage, will be nuclear-powered, fly the Lockheed F-35C, and India will accept technical advice and assistance from the US in designing and constructing the ship. Ashley Tellis persuasively makes this case in a Carnegie Endowment monograph. Tellis, however, made it clear at a recent event that, despite the proven incapacity of the Arihant submarine reactor to drive Vishal, the US will render no help in producing a more powerful and efficient highly enriched uranium-fuelled nuclear power plant. Naval stalwarts, however, see eight General Electric LM2500 gas turbine engines on-board as an alternative solution. But these engines will fill a lot of the ship’s innards, need vast oil tanks that will jostle for space with aviation fuel storage bins, making for severe design compromises and tradeoffs.

The navy’s aircraft carrier designing competence and the industry’s complex shipbuilding skills will undoubtedly be enhanced by collaborating with the US Naval Systems Command and American companies. The Narendra Modi government has to make a risky, step-up, decision. It has to consider, other than the nuclear reactor, two other critical factors. One is the $10 billion-$13 billion cost of a nuclear carrier (CVN), compared to the $3 billion for the Kochi-built Vikrant. It will leave little money for everything else. Secondly, a CVN with 6-7 ship and submarine escort will substantially reduce the “maritime density” the 50-capital ship-strong Indian Navy (by 2030) will be able to muster. This will diminish the country’s naval presence in the Indian Ocean at a time when the fast-expanding Chinese Navy is increasing its maritime footprint. So, more of the smaller, conventionally-powered flat-tops, with compact steam catapult systems secured from the US, would seem the sensible option.

Carter’s pitching the ULH involves the usual skulduggery, questionable practices and procedures. The M-777 gun is produced by the Bofors Company, which was bought out by British Aerospace Systems (BAeS), thereby ostensibly converting this gun into a British product. London believes Washington (for a 3.8% commission) can more effectively sell it to India.

But ULH is prime candidate for the cleaver as defence minister Manohar Parrikar has promised to trim the “fat” from the military spend. Here’s why. Based on reports by the theatre Commands concerned about the border (roads) infrastructure and the artillery requirements, the General Staff, Artillery Branch, a decade ago recommended the standardisation of the fine, locally-produced, Dhanush 155mm/45 calibre howitzer across categories—towed, self-propelled, wheeled, tracked, and truck-mounted. This recommendation was endorsed by the army’s Northern, Eastern, Central, and Western Commands who vouched for this gun’s employability in the remotest areas.

However, the different howitzer categories permitted wily vested interests to seek, under the rubric of artillery modernisation, different guns possibly from different sources, each with different stocking and maintenance regimes, and differing “make” programmes—an imaginative way of multiplying gainful opportunities! This budding scam is reflected in the army’s obtaining only 114 Dhanush systems. Besides bad economics and compounding of an already difficult logistics problem, this approach paints a wrong picture of the artillery arm. The obsolete 120mm gun (8 regiments) apart, the 97-odd artillery regiments are pretty up-to-date featuring, besides the sensor-fused Dhanush, the Grad, Pinaka, and Smerch multi-barrel rocket launchers, the Brahmos (Block II) cruise missile, and the extraordinarily destructive point and area weapon—the Prahar missile. If ULH is deemed a dire need the answer is not the pricey M-777 but the locally-made, accurate, 105mm light field gun with range of 20km available at a third of the cost.

ULH entered the picture because the army chief General J J Singh in August 2005 conceived this spurious need, forced it on the artillery directorate, and manipulated the qualitative requirements (QRs) to fit M-777, which move got traction because the competing gun from ST Kinetics of Singapore that had beaten the BAeS item in every performance parameter, was sidelined by “corruption” allegations. The fact is the M-777 does not meet seven operational requirements, and an apprehensive BAeS refused permission for its field testing in India, and even the use of Indian-made ammunition. To bypass Indian QRs, this gun was routed by London in 2008 into the FMS channel. India even paid for transporting two M-777 units from the US for user trials, which confirmed its shortfalls.

Many revealing details are left out of this unavoidably shortened account. Parrikar can verify the entire tale by calling for the relevant files. He will see how military requirements are tailored and eased through the flawed procurement system to benefit foreign suppliers. The ULH deal is a minefield the Modi government best avoid stepping into. For Carter the M-777 is simply the wrong thing to peddle.
——
Published in the New Indian Express, May 29, 2015; at http://www.newindianexpress.com/columns/US-Defence-Bait-is-Potent-But-Impractical-Symbolism/2015/05/29/article2837552.ece

Posted in Asian geopolitics, China, China military, civil-military relations, Defence Industry, domestic politics, Europe, Geopolitics, Great Power imperatives, India's China Policy, India's Pakistan Policy, India's strategic thinking and policy, Indian Army, Indian ecobomic situation, Indian Navy, Indian Ocean, Military Acquisitions, Missiles, nuclear industry, nuclear power, society, South Asia, Strategic Relations with the US & West, Technology transfer, United States, US., Weapons, Western militaries | 7 Comments

China preparing for distant ops

With the Indian Government and military unable to think, strategize, plan and operationalize their views, policies, and postures beyond the country’s territorial borders, the document “China’s Military Strategy” issued by Beijing on May 26, 2015 (and accessible at http://en.people.cn/n/2015/0526/c90785-8897779.html ) is at once chastening and should inspire the utmost concern in India and other like-minded Asian states about a militarily proficient China they are now, and will even more in the future, be confronting.

It crows about the fact that “China’s comprehensive national strength, core competitiveness and risk-resistance capacity are notably increasing” and that it “enjoys growing international standing and influence”. And there is the usual forked tongue-speak that China routinely indulges in, such as inversing the threats and talking about “new threats from hegemonism, power politics and neo-interventionism” — precisely the dangers countries on China’s sea and land periphery believe is posed to them by an aggressive and territorially expansionist-minded China. Equally mind-bending is China’s accusation that its small and weak “offshore neighbours”, presumably in the South China Sea though this area is not so identified, “take provocative actions and reinforce their military presence on China’s reefs and islands that they have illegally occupied” — a reference to the Spratlys Island chain also contested by Vietnam, Brunei, Malaysia, Philippines, and Taiwan) and the Paracel Islands disputed with Vietnam, which bland statement justifies removing/eliminating the so-claimed illegal occupation by whatever means — there are 8 things of relevance to India in this document.

1) China is plainly worried about the troubles in its ethnic minority areas of Tibet and Xinjiang, and its inability to either contain the unrest or contain it, leave alone coopt the Tibetans and the Uighurs. This is encompassed in the rubric of “multiple and complex security threats”. “Therefore, China”, it admits, “has an arduous task to safeguard its national unification, territorial integrity and development interests.” Elsewhere, the document specifically mentions that “Separatist forces for ‘East Turkistan independence’ and ‘Tibetan independence’ have inflicted serious damage particularly with escalating violent terrorist activities”, refers to the fact that “anti-China forces” have not “given up their attempt to instigate a ‘color revolution'”, views these phenomena as “challenges in terms of national security and social stability”, and warns that national security is “more vulnerable” among other things to “international and regional turmoil and terrorism”.

It suggests that India should more forcefully and vigorously play, especially the “Tibet card” by actively recruiting young people from the Tibetan exile community in India — the Rangzen (Freedom) Movement is gathering growing support among young Tibetans — for training in sabotage and guerilla ‘hit and scoot’ operations within Tibet, and to assist in firming up the support base within the indigenous Tibetan society on the plateau to sustain such operations, and otherwise to steadily escalate the costs to PLA and China of occupying Tibet, while all the while mouthing when and where necessary, the panchshila noninterference rhetoric.

2) The Chinese strategy paper confesses that space and cyber space — the “new commanding heights in strategic competition among all parties” has not only significantly impacted the “international political and military landscapes but also posed new and severe challenges to China’s military security”.

This confession suggests to China’s adversaries that they’d do well to cooperate and collaborate especially in these two fields to keep the Chinese state and its minders constantly on the defensive. It is a signal to India to join with Taiwan, Japan, the US, Australia, Vietnam, other ASEAN states, to try and push China into the corner with consolidated collective actions.

3) China, the strategy says, will prosecute “active defense” which, it states, “boils down to: adherence to the unity of strategic defense and operational and tactical offense;…to the principles of defense, self-defense and post-emptive strike; and..to the stance that ‘We will not attack unless we are attacked, but we will surely counterattack if attacked.”

This means that in the Lanzhou and Chengdu Combat Zones of interest to India, the PLA will undertake at the theatre-level periodic tactical operations — armed intrusions, interventions and the like across the Line of Actual Control as a means of asserting the Chinese territorial claims on the so-called “southern Tibet” — Arunachal Pradesh, and in case the Indian forward units ever get the better of the PLA troops, that strategic wherewithal would be brought into play.

4) The strategy is emphatic about integrating the Central Military Commission, the armed services, and the Combat Zonal Commands for seamless communications, planning and implementation down to the tactical unit level. It speaks of “active defense”, among other things, employing “strategies and tactics featuring flexibility and mobility” and giving “full play to the overall effectiveness of joint operations, concentrate superior forces, and make integrated use of all operational means and methods”. It asserts that a mechanism is being worked on “for overall coordinated programming and planning” and to “intensify overall supervision and management of strategic resources, strengthen the in-process supervision and risk control of major projects, improve mechanisms for strategic assessment, and set up and improve relevant assessment systems and complementary standards and codes.”

In the Indian milieu the government is still caught up on degrees of forces integration. Defence minister Manohar Parrikar (in a TV interview last evening) seemed definite about having a Chief of Defence Staff but confessed he was not yet quite sure about how far down he wanted the force jointness to go! By this reckoning, a minimal force integration is guaranteed. Going up against a maximally integrated foe, well, ….

5) The strategy paper — most importantly — stressed the capability build-up for sustained distant military operations. Thus, it avers that the Chinese army “will continue to reorient from theatre defense to trans-theatre mobility” and “elevate its capabilities for precise, multi-dimensional, trans-theatre, multi-functional and sustainable operations”, the navy “will gradually shift from ‘offshore waters defense’ to the combination of ‘offshore waters defense’ with ‘open seas protection’ and build a combined, multi-functional and efficient marine combat force structure”, the air force is “to shift its focus from territorial air defense to both defense and offense, and build an air-space defense force structure [for] infomationized operations” and “boost its capabilities for strategic early warning, air strike, air and , missile defense, information countermeasures, airborne operations, strategic projection and comprehensive support”, and the Second Artillery [strategic] Force, with both nuclear and conventional missiles under control,
“to transform itself in the direction of informationization, press forward with independent innovations in weaponry and equipment by reliance on science and technology, enhance the safety, reliability and effectiveness of missile systems, and improve the force structure featuring a combination of both nuclear and conventional capabilities.” It specifically warns the military that “the traditional mentality that land outweighs the sea must be abandoned” and greater attention has to be paid to “managing the seas and oceans and protecting maritime rights and interests”. And besides underlining the need to secure space and cyber space, described as “a new domain of national security”, it refers to the nuclear force as “a strategic cornerstone for safeguarding national sovereignty and security.”

Such a clear and holistic view of the necessary military capabilities of the state and the uses they will be put to is simply unthinkable in the Indian context. So the military will blunder along, much as the government has done, these past nearly 70 years. Somewhere, sometime, something is going to bound to show us up.

6) Remarkably, a great deal of attention is paid to “logistics modernization” involving innovating “the modes of support, develop[ing] new support means, [and] augment[ing] war reserves” to fight and win “modern wars”. In parallel, much is made of high levels of preparedness. “Maintaining constant combat readiness” means maintaining “a posture of high alertness, and conscientiously organize border, coastal and air defense patrols and guard duties” and intensifying “training in complex electro-magnetic environments, complex and unfamiliar terrains, and complex weather conditions”.

So India can expect continued armed intrusions across the LAC on the central front and possibly run-ins at sea, especially in the narrow waters of the Malacca, Lumbock and Sunda Straits, and off Aden with Chinese ships ostensibly on anti-piracy missions.

7)Further, it highlights developing close relations with the two militaries PLA compares itself with — Russia and the United States. As regards Russia, it mentions “comprehensive strategic partnership of coordination”. Vis a vis the US military, interestingly, it refers to the fostering of “a new model of military relationship with the US armed forces that conforms to the new model of major country relations between the two countries”.

8) And, finally, the strategy commends “A holistic approach…to balance war preparation and warfighting, rights protection and stability maintenance, deterrence and warfighting, and operations in wartime and employment of military forces in peacetime”. And, in an aside of special meaning to an armaments dependent-India, it counsels adherence “to the principles of flexibility, mobility and self-dependence so that ‘you fight your way and I fight my way'” becomes possible.

With imported arms equipping our forces India, in contrast, has always been compelled to fight the supplier states’ way. The awful thing is the Indian armed services do not even recognize this as a problem! And there’s no CMC to give them direction.

Posted in arms exports, Asian geopolitics, China, China military, civil-military relations, Cyber & Space, Defence Industry, domestic politics, Europe, Geopolitics, Great Power imperatives, guerilla warfare, India's China Policy, India's strategic thinking and policy, Indian Air Force, Indian Army, Indian Navy, Indian Ocean, Japan, Military Acquisitions, nuclear industry, Nuclear Weapons, satellites, society, South Asia, South East Asia, Strategic Forces Command, Strategic Relations with the US & West, Technology transfer, Terrorism, Tibet, United States, Weapons | Leave a comment

India’s Defence Sector is Looking for a Visionary Modi

A Chinese commentator scornfully, or in praise (it is not clear which), called Narendra Modi “a pragmatist, not a visionary”. Pragmatism in the context of the over-bureaucratized Indian state translates into the Prime Minister being led by his nose by the babus. Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar, whose IIT engineering credentials led many to expect a problem-solver, is proving himself neither a pragmatist nor a visionary, only a ‘please-all’ politician, seemingly approving every military hardware procurement proposal sent his way — the unmet demands of the armed services easily exceed rupees fifteen lakh crore. In the financially straitened circumstances the government finds itself in, the treasury has funds enough for only a few of the goods our uniformed services have indented for. Given the vagaries of the system, no service can be sure it will get what it wants.

Prioritising Expenditures -The Way Ahead

The reasonable way out in this situation is to prioritize expenditure programmes, something apparently beyond Parrikar or, even his boss, Modi (to wit, the latter’s off-the-cuff decision whilst in Paris to buy 36 French Rafale combat aircraft. It will keep the French aviation sector in the clover at the cost of competitive bidding, transfer of technology — to help his own “Make in India” policy, and of choosing the most economical Su-30MKI option that Parrikar, incidentally, was partial to).

The transactions for the US-made C-17 and C-130J airlifters and the P-8I maritime reconnaissance aircraft and for the Rafale fighter showed foreign arms companies and governments how to crack the frustrating puzzle of India’s defence procurement system: approach (earlier Manmohan Singh, now) Modi for multi-billion dollar government-to-government (G2G) contracts.

No problems, no hassles, happy customer, happier suppliers. This method works because, in the absence of a mechanism in the Government of India for inter se prioritization, all defence acquisitions decisions are essentially ad hoc any way, and made by the prime minister and/or finance minister and/or defence minister, using metrics of their choice.

But the G2G route still being an exception, the outcome in terms of actual armaments materializing normally from the procurement pipeline today is no different from when Parrikar’s Congress party predecessor A.K. Antony held court. Antony refused to make any decision attended by the slightest whiff of corruption. Given the nature of the international arms trade and the commission-baksheesh-good times habituated Indian system managers, this was akin to seeking a virgin in a bordello.

So, Antony stayed out of the cat-house, cut no deals and, by the end of his term, had reduced the armed services chiefs to a bunch of blithering hand-wringers. But, in his seven years, at least, he made no howlers.

The Please-all Mr Manohar Parrikar

Parrikar, on the other hand, has proved he is no Solomon. Called on to decide which of two women was mother of a child claimed by both he would probably have cleaved the baby down the middle! That is what he did with the new 17 (Mountain Strike) Corps under raising.

Saying the fund crunch mandated it he halved its strength to 35,000 troops and saved Rs 32,000 crore. It, presumably, is another example of “wise use of money” that he said led to the purchase of only 36 Rafales (as against the requirement of 126 aircraft). For all the good the two Rafale squadrons and the truncated Mountain Corps will do, he might as well trash them both.

What it reveals about Parrikar and the BJP government is that, like Antony and the Congress regime before them, they are not applying their mind, perhaps, because it requires a broader perspective and a threat-reorienting political decision they are fearful of making. China is emerging, finally (whew!), as the consensual main-threat.

Hence, rationally speaking, the army’s three strike corps for the Pakistan front absorbing 17%-22% of the annual defence budget should be rationally reconfigured to one composite armour-mechanized corps for contingencies in the west, with the funds and manpower thus freed up switched to form three offensive mountain corps for operations in Tibet to keep the Chinese forces there honest.

Why is this so difficult for Messrs Modi and Parrikar to understand and act on? As I have been arguing for over two decades, it is not the scarcity of resources but their misuse, owing to a complicit Indian government and military that is the problem.

Time for an Overhaul

The mismatch between resources and requirements will only grow especially in the face of demands by powerful legacy combat arms, such as the plains/desert-limited armoured and mechanized formations, including a massive self-propelled artillery element, that are irrelevant to 21st Century warfare transitioning to network-centred, robotic, remotely-controlled, long range, precision munitions. Then again, the Indian armed forces are pretty antique, as is their thinking and, in that, they are in sync with the government.

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Published in The Quint, May 16, 2015 at http://www.thequint.com/2015/may/16/driving-defence-into-the-ground-time-for-a-check-modi-govt

Posted in arms exports, Asian geopolitics, China, China military, civil-military relations, Defence Industry, domestic politics, DRDO, Europe, Geopolitics, Great Power imperatives, India's China Policy, India's Pakistan Policy, India's strategic thinking and policy, Indian Air Force, Indian Army, Indian democracy, Indian ecobomic situation, Indian Navy, Indian Politics, Military Acquisitions, Pakistan, Pakistan military, Relations with Russia, Russia, russian assistance, russian military, society, South Asia, Strategic Relations with South East Asia & Far East, Technology transfer, United States, US., Weapons, Western militaries | 5 Comments

In Earthquake Zone, Jaitapur Nuclear Plant Could Be Courting Calamity

One disaster is terrible enough, but two are truly catastrophic. There are two types of disasters that strike in us an elemental fear.

One is when the earth shakes violently. Buildings, bridges, and built-up structures sway before toppling, roads crack open, electric poles snap, gas lines erupt into flames, oceans erupt with killer tidal waves, and whole cities are decimated as in the case of Nepal most recently. We can do nothing but ponder our insignificance, scramble to a safe place if we can, and watch helplessly as the world as we know it is lost or reduced to rubble.

The other fear is of a nuclear explosion or mishap, when the dreaded imagery of Hiroshima after “Little Boy” had done its 15 kiloton job looms. Of a city reduced to a smouldering ruin, with people far from ground zero hit by the thermal shock wave and finding their skin hanging in shreds from their bones. An atom bomb is a man-made device and use of it a man-made calamity.

A nuclear power plant is a controlled atom bomb. But it can blow because of a natural disaster, design fault or errors in operating it. An earthquake, by unsettling its foundations, can lead reactors to malfunction, to uncontrolled fission, release of immense heat, a meltdown of the reactor core, and the spread of lethal radioactivity ending, perhaps, in less physical destruction but in dangerous radiation poisoning of the surrounding air, land and water bodies.

Nothing can be done to prevent earthquakes, considering that the Indian subcontinent is on a moving tectonic plate that is constantly crashing into the Himalayan range and pushing under the Eurasian plate at the rate of 5cm per year. Some areas are thus seriously earthquake-prone owing to aggravated faultlines and fissures in the earth.

Mixing earthquakes and nuclear power plants, therefore, would seem like courting a nightmare, which is what Jaitapur may be facing. This town, located on the unspoilt Ratnagiri coast of Maharashtra, is at the confluence of seismic zones 3 and 4, the latter the penultimate category in the national system for assessing earthquake-sensitive areas and identified as a “High Damage Risk Zone”. It is also the site prospectively for the largest nuclear power complex in the world, expected to pump 9,900 MW of electricity into the national grid.

The Nuclear Power Corporation of India Ltd., the eventual operator of this plant, is perhaps persuaded by its favourable features — namely, stable hard rock for a solid foundation, a low population density area and access to seawater as coolant for the reactor core — and insists the plant site is in the lower-risk seismic zone 3. But on the basis of computer simulation, geological experts Roger Bilham and Vinod Gaur in 2011 claimed that the Jaitapur region lies in “a compressional downwarp”. This, apparently, is why so far 93 earthquakes/major tremor incidents have been recorded, most recently the 1993 6.2 Richter scale catastrophe in nearby Latur.

A quake triggers earth motion with vertical and horizontal acceleration — the latter side-to-side movement bringing down most structures. Areva, a French company contracted to put up this gigantic power station offers reassurances. It is also pointed out that in France, nuclear plants are designed to withstand earthquakes “twice as strong as the 1,000 year event calculated for each site” and that 20% of nuclear reactors worldwide operate in regions of “significant seismic activity”. Besides fortified construction, this plant, like the power reactors in Japan, Taiwan, and South Korea — also in active earthquake zones — will be fitted with seismic detectors to automatically and safely shut down the plant once ground motion reaches a certain tripping level.

Mother Nature, however, always musters nasty surprises. An earthquake and a tsunami — an unforeseen combination the designers had not planned for — downed Fukushima! Why tempt Nature and take chances? Move the nuclear power units to a safer place at little cost as no construction work has yet begun. Prime Minister Narendra Modi will also pacify the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party’s coalition partner in the state – the Shiv Sena– that has joined the local people in clamouring for the termination of the Jaitapur project.
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Published in the Huffington Post (India) May 18, 2015, at http://www.huffingtonpost.in/bharat-karnad-/post_9370_b_7303336.html

Posted in Europe, Indian ecobomic situation, Indian Politics, Internal Security, Japan, Northeast Asia, nuclear industry, Nuclear Policy & Strategy, nuclear power, society, South Asia, Strategic Relations with the US & West, Technology transfer | 1 Comment